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hapanda   hapanda Henry Davids's TIGblog
Henry Davids's profile

Barotse Land Saga
About this event: Universal Forum of Cultures
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights


 The Opinions expressed by the Post Newspaper this week regarding the position taken by the Ngambela, on behalf of the people of Barotseland, on the matter of Radio Liseli playing songs in languages other than those indigenous to Barotseland, make sad reading.

Certainly, in making these comment and innuendoes, the Post did not consider the following matters, all of which are already in the public domain:
1. That Barotseland was a sovereign and autonomous nation for centuries before the coming to Africa of Missionaries and later Colonialists;
2. That when the Missionaries and Colonialists arrived in Barotseland, the nation’s sovereignty was acknowledged, recognized and respected, leading to a number of Treaties – including the following:
• The Lochner Concession of June 1890
• The Lawley Concession (Concession A) of June 25, 1898
• The Barotseland – North Western Rhodesia Order-in-Council of 1899
• Concession B of 1900
• Concession Agreement of August 11, 1909
• The Northern Rhodesia Order-in-Council of 1911, which amalgamated North Eastern Rhodesia and Barotseland North-Western Rhodesia into Northern Rhodesia
• The Northern Rhodesia Order in Council of 1924
• The Barotse Fund Ordinance of 1925, in terms of which a special fund was established to finance the running of the Barotseland Government
• The Barotse Native Authority Ordinance and the Barotse Native Courts Ordinance, both of 1936
• A Special Order in Council of 1953
• Sections 57 and 80 of the Northern Rhodesia Order in Council of 1962; and sections 59 and 112 of the Self-Governing Constitution of 1963, which both affirmed and recognized Barotseland as a separate State within Northern Rhodesia; and
• The Zambia Independence Act and the Zambia Independence Order of 1964, which gave recognition to the Barotseland Agreement 1964.

Of particular importance is the point that The Litunga protected himself in all these treaties and agreements by way of the clause that “nothing written in these agreements shall otherwise affect my Constitutional power or authority as Chief of the said Barotse nation.”
1. That the last treaty, i.e. the Barotseland Agreement 1964, was not respected by KK’s government, thereby leaving a legacy, to-date, for subsequent Zambian governments also not to respect it. As such, as everyone knows, the Barotseland issue has been a sensitive matter which has been simmering since the first Republican President (KK) betrayed the people of Barotseland by, in his way of thinking, introducing both new legislation and undertaking constitutional amendments, to revoke the Barotseland Agreement 1964 - thereby preventing the people of Barotseland from continuing with their right to govern themselves, within a unitary Zambia. The legality of what he did cannot stand in an impartial court of law. A Treaty or International Agreement, such as the Barotseland Agreement 1964, is not a matter for one of the signatories to abrogate because the same power that KK had to sign on behalf of the Northern Rhodesia Government was the same power that The Litunga had to sign for his nation - Barotseland. In essence, therefore, if it was legal for KK to abrogate the Agreement, it was also equally legal for The Litunga to abrogate it as well, with the attendant consequence that The Litunga-in-Council would have continued with their business of governing Barotseland as it had done for centuries before. That no Litunga has taken this step up to now is not only a miracle but also a credit to the discipline of the Lozi nation. There is really nothing that I can find to prevent The Litunga from proclaiming the internal self-determination and autonomy of Barotseland, as provided for in the Barotseland Agreement 1964, within a unitary Republic of Zambia.

One would like to emphasize that The Litunga-in-Council are not aware of any other Treaty, other than the Barotseland Agreement 1964, on which they have tendered their signatures, agreeing to how Barotseland is to be administered and governed. So, basically, it would be legally correct and true to say that Barotseland has been administered and governed illegally by the Zambian Government since 1964 (also see Post Bag, July 26, 1998) because there is no Treaty or legally-binding instrument, negotiated with, and dully signed by the legitimate representatives of the people of Barotseland, giving the Zambian government power to carry out day-to-day administrative and/or governance duties over Barotseland. So, basically, the Radio Liseli saga is just a tip of the Barotseland Agreement 1964 iceberg. It is also NOT a new case because starting from the time the Radio station began to broadcast on a trial basis they received many complaints about the linguistic imperialism that they were promoting. I am a Catholic, but I want to pray and glorify God in my language. I am quite convinced that God understands Silozi.

For those that may not know, Silozi is the national language of Barotseland. Malozi are not of one tribe. Malozi are the people of Barotseland – constituted by 37 tribes ( amongst whom are Ma Mbowe, Ma Kwandi, Ma Kwangwa, Ma Subiya, Ma Kwamakoma, Ma Kwamwenyi, Manyengo, Mambukushu, Mayeyi, Mankoya, Maluvale, Mambunda, Machokwe, Maluchazi, Malunda, etc.). Silozi, as a language, together with other national symbols like the Barotseland national anthem, the Barotseland national flag, and others symbolized the sovereignty and autonomy of Barotseland.

1. The Post should also have been aware (because they have, themselves previously reported on these matters) that in order to keep Malozi quiet on the issue of their human, economic and political rights, as enshrined in the Barotseland Agreement 1964, successive Zambian governments have always used very heavy-hand tactics against anyone suspected to be sympathetic to, or having a soft heart for, the Barotseland Agreement 1964. Such heavy-hand tactics have included political detentions and victimization of Malozi (see Times of Zambia, January10, 1997; The Post: August 23, 1998; November 20, 1998; February 25, 1999; February 26, 1999; October 6, 1999; October 15, 1999; Sunday Times: October 24, 1999; Zambia Human Rights Reports of 1998 &1999; National Mirror, August 14-20, 1999; The Monitor: April 23-29, 1999; May 12-18, 2001; Sunday Mail, February 7, 1999 etc.). So basically, Malozi are now in a situation whereby they’re scared to say or do anything around the issue of their human, economic and political rights as enshrined in the Barotseland Agreement 1964. Is there an acceptable way in which they can call for the restoration of their right to internal self-determination, as provided for in the Barotseland Agreement 1964, without incurring the wrath of The Post Newspaper or the authorities? The negation of these rights has been a human catastrophe and a tragedy. We’re happy and proud to be called Zambians, but only if and when the legal instrument (the Barotseland Agreement 1964) which made this possible is also acknowledged, recognized and respected by our fellow Zambians. We, therefore, yearn for, and request not to be provoked because in the end when we react, those responsible for the provocation remain in their comfortable homes sipping tea while we get the shorter end of the stick and suffer serious consequences of intimidation, harassment and detentions (as the above references will bear me out). It is far better to leave us alone for the time-being while we ponder how to get out of this quagmire, than to keep on poking and poking. Alternatively, perhaps The Post is on our side, and is just creating that much needed spark to have us spring to action, together with them, such that we may begin to see the light at the end of this very long 43 year old tunnel. If this were to be so, then we should probably arrange to sit together around a square table and find each other on this matter.

Basically, since 1964, the fundamental issue in the minds of the honourable members of The Litunga-in-Council, has always been, and still is, who is in charge of the day-to-day administration and governance of Barotseland. This means that, unless, and until, the Barotseland Agreement 1964 issue is addressed to the satisfaction of all, some people, such as The Post, will continue to quibble with the symptoms of the bigger issue. As Malozi, we do not express hatred towards other Zambians by calling for the restoration of our human, political and economic rights; we’re just stating our case – by the way, unapologetically. It is not our fault that we’re Malozi - we were born so; it is not our fault that we have the Barotseland Agreement 1964, to safe-guard our human, economic and political rights. This was due to the valour, wisdom and foresight of our fore-bearers. If other Zambians have their own Agreements and Treaties which ought to be recognized and respected, they are also equally free to state their own case – and we shall respect them. But they do not have the right to stop us from stating our own case. Championing the Barotseland Agreement 1964 is not tantamount to instigating secession or to court treason, as many misguided people often resort to thinking. It is basically to acknowledge the human, political and economic rights negotiated by Malozi, at the point of joining other Zambians, before coming together as one country.

The irony of this whole fiasco is that whereas the colonial government acknowledged, recognized and respected the sovereignty and political autonomy of Barotseland, it is fellow Black people, i.e. the Zambian government, that has abrogated the rights and privileges of Malozi to internal self-determination. It appears it has become a curse of Barotseland to be colonized by fellow Black people, when one considers that from the 1830’s to the early 1860’s, Barotseland suffered the same fate at the hands of Masotho. So, basically, Barotseland never lost her sovereignty to the White people (because Barotseland always enjoyed her sovereignty even during colonial times), but has only done so to fellow Black people.

The other issue is that there is no such thing as a “Western Province Agreement or Treaty”. The use of the term “Western Province” to refer to Barotseland was an undemocratic imposition of the KK regime, in line with his other machinations which characterized his communist, brainwashing syndrome - to both distort the borders of Barotseland and to give effect to his treacherous abrogation of the Barotseland Agreement 1964, after he had signed it. So, the use of Western Province in reference to our land has remained a sore insult, which we have had to endure for so long.

Typically, before one reacts to a situation, such as this one, one needs to get to the bottom of the psyche of the person who has made such Opinions. This is not an easy task in a sensitive matter such as this one because most well-meaning Zambians are aware of the above unfortunate history. For over forty years, Barotseland has not been treated fairly by Zambia - culminating in presently being paraded as the poorest part of the Republic of Zambia, despite an abundance of human and natural resources. To run a national newspaper is to have a very powerful forum for communicating ideas. The Post, therefore, has a very powerful instrument of communication to influence the direction of thought in the country. When this is abused, serious consequences may result. Barotseland does not have such a powerful forum to counter their aggression and the pursuance of whatever agenda they want to champion. So, what reasonable forum can we expect to use when they come all out to attack the very foundation of our pride, glory, honour, integrity and our rallying point – the Barotse Royal Establishment and the Litunga-in-Council? Perhaps one needs to fight fire with fire, so we’re asking the same Post Newspaper to allow us space to express our feelings on what they have said. This is a self-defeatist approach, but what else can we do? We’re desperate and disempowered. SinceThe Post parades itself as a democratic, independent newspaper, we hope it can easily allow views opposed to its own to find space in its pages.

Our hope lies with the Mwanawasa Government because now, at very long last and with much tribulation, we have a government that prides itself in respecting the rule of law. It is our hope, therefore, that this government can start a genuine and meaningful process of reviewing the legality of this all-important matter of KK’s abrogation of the Barotseland Agreement 1964 – entailing genuine negotiations with the Barotse Royal Establishment and the people of Barotseland on a civilized way forward, instead of continuing to hold on to the cruel illegality and legacy left by KK’s large appetite for absolute power which left Malozi without their fundamental right to internal autonomy in the day-to-day governance of their affairs – as provided for in the Barotseland Agreement 1964, which KK himself signed willingly and with his eyes wide open. This has been a terrible atrocity against Malozi, and we hope our present Government of Laws (the Mwanawasa government) will not condone this human atrocity for much longer.


January 21, 2011 | 3:08 AM Comments  0 comments

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sam030684   sam030684 samuel siame's TIGblog
samuel siame's profile

Divided in unity
About this category: Human Rights

Translations available in: English (original) | German


January 16, 2011 | 12:26 AM Comments  1 comments

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abbyorisha   abbyorisha Abigail Ngulube's TIGblog
Abigail Ngulube's profile

Gender and Development
About this category: Human Rights

Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic

Gender and Development
In recent decades the presence of women in public life has grown, whether in politics, in the workforce, or in the migrant streams that cross international borders. At the same time, the intensive engagement of activists and researchers with the development establishment has turned "gender" into a legitimate policy issue for institutions and movements operating at different levels. Yet gender inequalities in power continue to be a persistent and integral feature of the modern world and its institutions - whether markets and macroeconomic flows; states, political parties and social movements; or the intimate sphere of family, household and community. Transformative agendas of social change are constrained not only by the continued dominance of market orthodoxy in some important arenas of policy making, but also by shifts in geopolitics, and new forms of religious and cultural politics that are being played out at global, national and sub-national levels.
In the process of designing the research agenda for the 2005–2009 quinquennium, it was decided that research projects on gender, which in the 2000–2005 period appeared under different programme areas, would now be consolidated into this new programme, Gender and Development.

For the new research phase, the following thematic areas have been identified:


Political and Social Economy of Care
Religion, Politics and Gender Equality
Gender Dimensions of Judicial Reform
Decentralization, Redistribution and Women’s Access to Welfare
These four projects are being developed in a sequential manner. Full funding for the first project (Political and Social Economy of Care) has been secured and work under this area is underway. Partial funding has been secured for the second project (Religion, Politics and Gender Equality) and work is underway. The other two projects are still at a preliminary stage.

Also, UNRISD and Routledge are bringing out a new series of books that engages with a wide range of contested issues—politics and governance, identity and conflict, welfare state and social policy reform, markets and macroeconomics, the care economy, migration and social rights—through a gender lens and with insights gained from feminist theory. The series is intended for scholars and students of gender studies, development studies, comparative politics and related disciplines.

September 12, 2008 | 4:10 AM Comments  0 comments



Risingfountain   Risingfountain Rising Fountain Development's TIGblog
Rising Fountain Development's profile

Debate on Children's Human Rights in rural Zambia
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights

Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic


www.risingfountains.org

Thank you for all of you who have joined our network. We truly belive that we can help the youths in Africa, Zambia living in the rural areas recieving little or no social services.This is not fair at all!

As an initiative, we have started a program to help motivate children/youths on their human rights and to this end, we are conducting a debate amoung youths in one of our rural areas. The topic of the debate will be " Do I have the right to go to school ?" The other opposing issues will be " Our Parents have the right to send us to work in the fields if they want to as against sending us to school". If you are interested in the results, please join our network

Rising Fountain Development Program
www.risingfountains.org



June 14, 2008 | 3:44 PM Comments  0 comments

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Risingfountain   Risingfountain Rising Fountain Development's TIGblog
Rising Fountain Development's profile

New website
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights

Translations available in: English (original) | French | Spanish | Italian | German | Portuguese | Swedish | Russian | Dutch | Arabic

Rising Fountain is a local organization in Zambi helping communities in rural areas.We are helping the youths to understand their Rights and through continued lobbying and education, we are seeing change. So many children/youths need help and through our organization we are making a step every time for our youths. Visit our website and learn more about helping youths in rural areas

www.risingfountains.org

June 13, 2008 | 10:36 PM Comments  0 comments

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rkalaba   rkalaba racheal kalaba's TIGblog
racheal kalaba's profile

gender equality
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights


well gender is something of a big isue in Africa especially Zambia, there are a lot of topics to be discussed, i wonder what eqity and equality would mean to a tipica local woman. i feel that for them it is when food is on the table children are able to go to school, their are being considered in the day to day running of the house. women are so powerful in so many things without realising that they are. the are the ecomists of the House, the minister of Home and foreign affairs, special advisers to the family and make the way as to how they want things to run, yet the man will come in public and get all the praise they are educationists, agriculturist, in short thay are in all the fields of work and do so much amazing thing yet the man would want to be given that credit of having done all that there is
there is a saying that ; behind every succesful man there is a woman: meaning it could be the mother, sister, girlfreind or wife who have it his success possible, hence women are a force to recon with in thew African society

October 1, 2007 | 2:08 PM Comments  0 comments

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hapanda   hapanda Henry Davids's TIGblog
Henry Davids's profile

Gender In Zambia
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights


Gender is one of the challenging factors among the youths and it has been overlooked as the issue of women and girls only. This perception has brought about a lot of mixed feelings among young men.
A youth led NGO, YDF has recognized the lack of participation and involvement of the youths, especially males of the communities in the issues of gender and has therefore put up a deliberate policy and objectives on how to deal with it.

The organization has realizes the need of going out to the communities and schools, to educate the youths on gender. Informing them that gender is not only about females but males as well and the women cannot fight inequality without the support of men.

Women are affected more because they are told that


· They are thought to be second-class citizen in the society.

· Their place is in the kitchen as they Zambians always calls it.

· A girl has to do all the chores of the house while a boy rests.

It is for this reason that YDF wants to educate the communities of Eastern province and Chipata District in particular on the positive approach to gender issues.
Currently YDF works with 10 schools in the communities, which include, secondary schools, institutions of higher learning and basic schools.
YDF’s 2007/8 Gender Programme will focus on working with young people in the peri-urban communities of Chipata to educate them about the rights of women and men, and ways in which they can successfully challenge gender inequality.
It will be gratefull if if anyone will come to its aid.

September 21, 2007 | 2:27 AM Comments  0 comments

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sepiso   sepiso Shalala Oliver Sepiso's TIGblog
Shalala Oliver Sepiso's profile

ZAMBIA: NGO independence is under threat through New Law
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights



LUSAKA, 19 July 2007 (IRIN) - Civil society fears that the imminent introduction of legislation aimed at regulating non-governmental organisations (NGOs) will severely compromise their work and independence, and could even result in their operations being closed down.

The NGOs bill, introduced this week in parliament by justice minister George Kunda, calls for "the registration and co-ordination of NGOs - [and] to regulate the work, and the area of work of NGOs operating in Zambia".

If the bill becomes law it would empower the interior minister to form a 10-member board, comprised of government members and two representatives from civil society, which would "receive, discuss and approve the code of conduct [of NGOs], and ... provide policy guidelines to NGOs for harmonising their activities to the national development plan of Zambia".

''We believe that this is a very sad moment in the life of Zambia's civil society.
The bill is dictatorial and seeks to constrain and limit the space for civil society''
Civil society leaders and human rights activists told IRIN the new law was a ploy by government to silence their critics and erode the role of civil society.

"We believe that this is a very sad moment in the life of Zambia's civil society. The bill is dictatorial and seeks to constrain and limit the space for civil society in the country," said Lee Habasonda, executive director of the Southern African Centre for Constructive Resolution of Disputes [SACCORD], a human rights and good governance watchdog.

"This sends very wrong signals and threatens the existence of NGOs, in that if the board is to be directly under the Minister of Home Affairs, then it means this same board will be de-registering, at will, any NGO whose style the government does not like."

NGOs are registered by the Registrar of Societies, a quasi-government organisation, but after registration the government has little power to restrain NGOs from voicing political dissent, and any attempt to de-register an NGO usually involves long court battles. In the proposed bill, NGOs will be obliged to register annually.

Court battles

SACCORD was de-registered by the government last year, only to have its NGO status reinstated by the court. It is once more embroiled in a legal battle after the government deregistered it again this year, but this time the court has allowed it to retain its NGO status until the outcome of the legal action.

"They [government] have been failing to put an end to our activism or existence, because there was no legal basis for de-registering us for holding dissenting views [from the government]," Habasonda said.

"This bill reduces the right to freedom of expression and the right to freedom of association; it reduces the efficacy of NGOs, because if they can't effectively criticise the state, then it means democracy is losing ground and dictatorship is now creeping in."

This is the first attempt by the Zambian government to regulate civil society since the onset of multiparty democracy 16 years ago, when Kenneth Kaunda, president since Zambia's independence from Britain in 1964, was unseated in 1991 by former trade unionist Frederick Chiluba.

Zambian civil society has been a strong force for change: it was pivotal in forcing Kaunda to abandon one-party rule and adopt multiparty democracy; helped block Chiluba's bid for a third term of office in 2001; and, during the tenure of current president Levy Mwanawasa, has maintained pressure for the adoption of a new constitution.

Emily Sikazwe, director of the Non-Governmental Organisation Coordinating Committee [NGOCC], an umbrella body for civic organisations involved in gender issues, said the proposed legislation would negatively affect the rights of women and children.

''The immediate impact is that the women's movement, and NGOs who have championed the cause of women and children - where the government has not been faring well - will certainly be de-registered''
"The immediate impact is that the women's movement, and NGOs who have championed the cause of women and children - where the government has not been faring well - will certainly be de-registered," Sikazwe told IRIN.

"We know for a fact who they are targeting with this new legislation, but we reject it with the contempt it deserves. Democracy has come to stay in Zambia, and we won't allow anyone to sit on critical issues that are important to the country."

Matyola Malawo, executive secretary of the Zambia Council for Social Development, a coalition of NGOs working for upliftment, said the bill was not good for the country because "it doesn't seek to harmonise the contributions of NGOs to national development."

He added that "NGOs were not consulted in its formation and, when we tried to access it, we were all told that parliament would decide on behalf of the people. If this law goes through, there will be a lot of mismanagement of public funds, because no one will speak for fear of being de-registered."

Chief government spokesperson and information minister Mike Mulongoti said the bill was designed to make civil society more responsible and accountable in their conduct. "We have democracy to safeguard. We must all stand on one platform - NGOs should not just be asking government to be transparent or accountable to the people, they should also do the same.

"This is why we have decided, as government, to introduce this new law: it's necessary to have a legal framework to regulate their conduct, because some of them seem to have been set up specifically to oppose the government in everything," he commented.

"They [NGOs] want to have a free-for-all atmosphere, when they themselves want government to be accountable. We must stand on the same platform: they should also be held accountable for their conduct and expenditure. After all, even the money they use to fund their activities is taxpayers' money elsewhere, just like we use Zambian taxpayers' money."

Zambian NGOs are not funded by the government but source their funding from mainly Western donors.

July 26, 2007 | 10:35 PM Comments  0 comments

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Edrich   Edrich Kayimbo .M Katengo's TIGblog
Kayimbo .M Katengo's profile

GIETTING A YEAR OLDER
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights


I really want to thank you guys the TIG group and friends around the world for the wonderful birthday message you sent me. You really made my birthday a memorable experience. I did not expect to get a message from overseas wishing me happy birthday.

I will always cherish the strong bond that we have created between us. My birthday was quitely spent at home with my family and friends. I am currently trying to raise money for my tuition at the Global Young Leaders Conference & Summit in Europe and Australia respectively.

My nomination to these programmes is really an opening to reach my career goals. I am also trying to plan a worrkshop to promote participation of physically challenged persons in decision making positions. It was a wish I made on my birthday to see it come to reality.

If there is any data that you can help me with, I will be very grateful.

Once again, I thank you very much for the kind words you sent me.

Yours,

Kayimbo.

March 2, 2007 | 2:21 AM Comments  0 comments

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Matongo   Matongo Matongo Maumbi's TIGblog
Matongo Maumbi's profile

Mpundu Mutale: A sad end to 'Tata' Africa (obituary)
Related to country: Zambia
About this category: Human Rights


By KELVIN KACHINGWE

THIS is no way to end an illustrious career.

That a receipient of the Presidents Insignia of Honour, who was so honoured for the essential role that he played during the freedom struggle, should spend his final years as a pauper is highly embarrassing.

For a man who moved the entire nation, and indeed dignitaries in particular, with his emotional performances of his all-time great, Afrika My Afrika during African Freedom Day and Indepdence Day commemorations at State House, he surely deserved a little more than he got in the evening of his life.

Mpundu Mutale, who passed on to the Other Side of Town at the age of 71 after losing his battle against Diabetes in the University Teaching Hospital, for all that he represented, does pass as a perfect example of how not a nation should treat its heroes.

So desperate was his situation that he was literally begging, much the same street kids do, for assistance. Only in his case, for resources to enable him undergo for specialist treatment in South Africa.

Mutale, who addmitted to the Intensive Care Unit at the UTH, said from his hospital bed a few months ago that he felt time was running out for him as the situation was getting worse.

"I have been calling for help for a very long time but even the little help has come very late but if resources could be made available, I wouldn't mind going to South Africa," Mutale said.

Indeed the cry for assistance started a long-time ago for Mpundu Mutale, who was a prominent feature at celebrations at State House. But so say he need resources for specialist treatment is not to tell the exact truth. Truth of the matter is that he needed more than that. Other than resources to enable him release audio and video tapes of Afrika My Afrika, he also needed money for his upkeep. His abode in Chibolya, which this writer visited in 2004 was a sorry sight. It did not look much different from a stable at a pony club. His appearance was that of a dishevelled old man in crumpled clothes, hair matted, lips cracking and a tatty shirt, an inferior defence against the cold.

While there, he narrated how he needed money to undergo treatment and just to stay alive.

"I feel my life is falling apart. Misfortunes are happening in quick succession. First it was diabetes, now i'm too broke to support myself and to have my music and film on the market," he said.

The six-foot tall Mpundu, with a greying beard, was living alone in a makeshift home just behind Lusaka's Soweto market. At one point, he was unable to walk because of diabetes which has caused his feet to swell. The toes on both feet were turning a greenish colour and amputation would have probably been an option had he managed to go to South Africa for specialist treatment.

In Chibolya, he would go for days without a meal. Most of the time, it was his neighbour, a Mrs Liness Bnda, who used to help the artiste from time-to-time.

In explaining Mr Mutale's predicament, Mrs Banda called on the government and other well-wishers to come to his aid. She said it was shameful for the man who had contributed so much to the struggle for independence both musically and physically to be in such a state.

"The man has something to teach Zambians through his music and the videos depicting the struggle for independence," she said while further explaning that at one time, the old man had collapsed in his house and was only discovered after neighbours saw his legs protruding from the door of his home.

Mr Mutale, who was born on September 30, 1935, was divorced though he had a family in Kasama which, however, was unable to support him financially. A number of his children had passed on.

In his early years, he was a UNIP activist in Kasama during the struggle for independence and was heavily involved in the civil disobedience campaign that was directed against the colonialists.

His cousin, Martin Mwamba, who was also an activist, was murdered after being brutally beaten by the Northern Rhodesia police when he refused to disclose the whereabouts of UNIP stalwarts.

It was actually that, and the other injustices that were done against the blacks by the colonialists that led him to compose songs like Afrika My Afrika and When Afrika was in the Dark.

It was because of the contribution Mr Mutale made to the country that the Times of Zambia, in a feature article headlined The sorry sight of Mpundu Mutale, dated July 17, 1994, appealed to well-wishers to come to his aid before it is too late.

Humbly enough, even his poor health, he still wanted to complete the adio and video tapes of the Afrika My Afrika.

At the height of his illness and dire financial need, he wrote a letter to the Sunday Times of Zambia in which he appealed to well-wishers, charitable organisations and individuals to enable him complete the music projects.

"The short clip of the promo film Afrika My Afrika is now ready and has been showing on ZNBC for five months now. I'm promising my fans that I would release the complete version of the film on the market as soon as I start receiving contributions for the venture.

"I would like to point out that the film has taken long to release because of unseen circumstances mostly to do with funding for the project," reads the letter dated April 25, 2004.

The audio tape and CD of Afrika My Afrika Volume I was to have 10 songs. There was also a chi-Bemba version of Afrika Mayo Afrika also with 10 tracks. The album was also to have have an instrumental version of Afrika My Afrika poems.

"I would again like to express my personal feelings about Africa by highlighting both in songs and pictures how the continent was depopulated and underdeveloped by slavery and colonialism. The history which African people cannot forget should make people learn a lot from this noble and educative historical project on their past," Mr Mutale wrote in his letter.

Unfortunately however, no tangible help came. On the contrary, his health continued to deteriorate resulting in his death at the UTH last Tuesday.

But before that, Brian Chengala Shakarongo, a former Zambia Association of Musicians (ZAM) chairman organised a concert in aid of the ailing Mutale last December.

The concert, held at UNZA, was however shunned by the artistes except for James "Chamanyazi" Ngoma and Cha (Charity Mwiinga) and the Muvi Posse crew.

But true to form, there will be sustained chorus of praise for the man, who while in life, was neglected by his own society. On a positive note though, credit should go to Mama Chibesa Kankasa for hosting the funeral of Mpundu Mutale at Kabulonga House near Friday's Corner out of solidarity despite the fact that they are not related.

Otherwise, this is a moment for the nation to reflect on how it treats its own heroes.

Ends...

August 22, 2006 | 8:02 AM Comments  0 comments

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